Alper Kayaalp, Kyle J. Page and Ozlem Gumus
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the subsequent studies mostly treated OCB as constructive, self-initiated, spontaneous, or voluntary
behavior aimed at enhancing the productivity of the workplace (Vigoda-Gadot, 2007). However,
research suggests that the characterization of OCBs as only extra-role may not be sensible. Indeed, the
first study provoking a reconsideration of OCBs was Morrison’s (1994) study, which introduced the
construct of OCB role definitions, or the extent to which employees define OCBs as in-role or extra-
role (Morrison, 1994).
Drawing from role theory, in-role behavior can be defined as the required or expected behaviors in
accordance with formal job descriptions, while extra-role behaviors are the actions above and beyond
formal role requirements (Katz & Kahn, 1966, 1978). The combination of in-role and extra-role
behaviors forms the entire performance domain of an employee (Podsakoff et al., 2018; Wang, 2009).
Morrison (1994) suggested that it is important to examine how employees define their
responsibilities to truly understand the motivational basis of OCBs. This has been supported through
subsequent studies that indicate that employees do not always view OCBs as extra-role (i.e., Coyle-
Shapiro et al., 2004; Kamdar et al., 2006; Morrison & Phelps, 1999; Tepper & Taylor, 2003; Van
Dyne, Graham, & Dienesch, 1994; Van Dyne, Cummings, & Parks, 1995; Vey & Campbell, 2004;
Zellars et al., 2002). Such findings unanimously point out that we may gain a better understanding of
the OCB construct by researching factors that may be related to OCB role definitions. The same studies
have also indicated that employees engage in more or fewer OCBs depending on whether they define
OCBs as in-role or extra-role. Morrison (1994) argued that in-role behavior is more likely to be
associated with rewards and sanctions, thus the motivation for in-role behavior is greater than the
motivation for extra-role behavior. From this reasoning, it could be possible that individuals may not
engage in OCBs voluntarily but may feel obligated to do so when they are defined as part of their job
duties.
This differentiation is important in understanding the OCB construct in military contexts as well.
Whereas these behaviors might be seen as discretionary in civilian organizations, military cultures
mostly treat these behaviors as expected (Rose et al., 2017). Although there are similarities, compared
to the civilian business sector, the military is more physically and psychologically demanding. Military
units, specifically combat units, often operate under conditions of high uncertainty, challenge, and
stress and the in-role contributions of individuals may not be enough for unit success under such
conditions (i.e., Deluga, 1995; Kayaalp, 2016). Armies are unique organizations of their own, with
their norms, values, beliefs, history, and sociology, which military culture is built on. (Hill, 2015). In
such a culture, individuals are “indoctrinated at a young age” and “military culture permeates almost
every aspect of their lives” (Meyer, 2015, p.416). Furthermore, armies are in general inherently
collectivistic and have high power distance. Therefore, although citizenship behaviors might be
typically seen as extra-role in a civilian work context, it could be expected that these same behaviors
could be explicitly conceptualized as “required” in a soldier’s job duties (Rose et al., 2017).
As the division between extra-role and in-role performance is, at best, vague, it is imperative to
identify the reasons why employees categorize their jobs differently. Although several researchers (i.e.,
Morrison, 1994; Chiaburu & Byrne, 2009) have proposed the examination of the predictors of the OCB
role definition rather than OCBs, a few studies have examined such antecedents. For example, prior
research found significant associations of the OCB role definition with mutual commitment (Coyle-
Shapiro et al., 2004), trust, commitment, and job satisfaction (Chiaburu & Bryne, 2009; Morrison,
1994), organizational justice perceptions (Coyle-Shapiro et al., 2004; Tepper & Taylor, 2003), and
leader-member exchange (Hoffman, Morgerson, & Gerras, 2003). Overall, whereas this stream of
research has defined a number of antecedents of OCB role definitions, additional evidence is required
to examine some new variables of interest for organizations.
In line with prior studies, we used social exchange theory (Adams, 1965; Blau, 1964) and role
theory (Katz & Kahn, 1966, 1978) as the theoretical frameworks for our study. Briefly, social exchange
theory and its central tenet, the norm of reciprocity, posit that (1) a positive work environment is
formed by an organization and/or its leaders and (2) that beneficial actions towards individuals create
an impetus (i.e., a social force) on employees and in turn employees reciprocate in positive ways
through their attitudes and/or behaviors (Coyle-Shapiro et al., 2004). From this perspective, “OCB role
definitions emerge as individually held beliefs about personal obligations within social exchange
relations” (Kamdar et al, 2006; p. 841). Therefore, as OCB role definitions are discretionary acts like
extra-role citizenship behaviors, it could be expected that this sense of obligation towards positive
treatment might be reflected in broader role definitions. Indeed, research indicates that positive
exchanges between an employee and their organization are likely to prompt a sense of obligation
towards the organization and lead to broader role definitions and citizenship behaviors (Coyle-Shapiro
et al., 2004).